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Showing posts with label food. Show all posts
Showing posts with label food. Show all posts

Friday, January 4, 2013

For What We Are About To Receive

Candy

Not eating sugar, or even eating it in moderation, in the U.S. is a challenge. This is a society geared towards pushing sugar (especially refined sugar) on people. According to a document from the New Hampshire Department of Health and Human Services, "Two hundred years ago, the average American ate only 2 pounds of sugar a year. In 1970, we ate 123 pounds of sugar per year. Today, the average American consumes almost 152 pounds of sugar in one year. This is equal to 3 pounds (or 6 cups) of sugar consumed in one week!"

Part of how this plays out is the cultural demarcation of certain, usually extremely sugary, foods as "treats" (with the implication that all other food is dull drudgery). Once this demarcation is accomplished, all food-related discourse takes on a moral dimension, whether one is trying to avoid treats (penance, asceticism); having a treat as a "reward" for some other kind of food-related or exercise-related success (justice); "allowing" oneself a treat in difficult or stressful times (mercy); having a treat because one deserves it just for being you (goodness); or having a treat with self-consciously no justification (moral failure, self-indulgence).

I am curious if it is possible, through the forswearing of sugar, to break from even the "penance/asceticism" model of eating, and instead re-imagine one's relationship to all other food. Just as the former or potential drug addict may want to re-construct herself as being "high on life," perhaps there is a way of thinking of ALL food as a treat, and all nourishment as a delight.

On a related note, here's an old Guardian blog piece asking if there's a secular way to say grace.

Monday, August 22, 2011

Growing up Middle Class in Singapore (Part One?)

A note: Right now I am on a project of thinking about class more. As part of that project, I am hoping to reflect and write about how it was to grow up middle class, and what it is like now to be a middle-class professional. I think that part of what perpetuates the invisibility of class, and thus a lack of public discussion of how we can end class structures and oppression, particularly in the United States and Singapore, is the reluctance or inability of middle-class people to talk honestly about our experience of class, and to acknowledge the ways we both benefit from and are oppressed because of the class structure.

There is a lot of fear, shame, and guilt associated with encountering class difference and thinking about class. This is not unique to middle-class people, but I think that the way it manifests for the middle-classes is in silence and/or a superior distancing attitude from people they consider to be of a lower class background, and from poor people. I hope to unlearn and undo these rigid patterns of thought in myself by openly talking about class and its role in my life without denigrating the intelligence, goodness, and value of working-class or poor people, or of other middle-class people.

Auntie

Pedicure on Orchard Rd

When I was six, my family moved to Singapore, and hired a live-in maid. Her name was Belan, and she was from the Phillipines.

Because it would have been near unthinkable for a child to call an adult just by their given name, my brother and I were told to call Belan "Auntie." However, unlike other Aunties in our life, my brother and I did not append her name to this title, so she was just an unadorned "auntie," not "Auntie Belan." This was the same way we would address older women that we barely knew or with whom we had a merely commercial relationship ("Auntie, soya bean how much?"). Thus was she marked out as always a stranger to us, even though she lived in our home.

Auntie had a small bedroom with a very small window. The room barely fit her bed, a small plastic dresser, and, as I recall, a chair. I believe she also kept some laundry supplies in her room. I would often see her ironing and folding our clothes in her room. Unlike my brother and my bedroom and my parents' bedroom, Auntie's bedroom door opened into the laundry and trash area connected to the kitchen, rather than into the living room. It was distinctly the "back" of the house. Of all these details I cannot be too sure - the various apartments we lived in blur together, as do the various work lives of the four different live-in maids we had over the course of our childhood.

Auntie did almost all of the work of maintaining the household, including all of the cleaning, cooking, laundry, and some of the grocery shopping. When we ate, my nuclear family would eat first. Auntie, having cooked the food, would set it out on our dining table, and would usually retreat to her room while we ate. When we were finished eating, Auntie would clear the table, and then prepare a plate for herself to eat in her room or standing in the kitchen. She then put away the leftover food, and cleaned all the dishes.

Auntie took on a caretaker role for me and my brother for the hours between when we got home from school and when my parents returned from work. This was not a happy role for her or for us. She rarely seemed pleased to see us when we arrived home and, similarly, we were rarely pleased or delighted to see her. Our relationship was arms-length, cold. When I saw other children being physically affectionate with their families' Filipina live-in maids, I felt a kind of shocked dismay each time. It seemed unnatural to me, and a little unsavory, like hugging someone you had just met on the bus.

Auntie had one day off a week - Sunday. On that day, my mother or father would sometimes cook lunch for the family - usually a noodle dish. I think my mother would then clean up, or perhaps rinse the dishes and leave them for Auntie to clean fully and put away. I do not remember my father helping with the cleaning. Although I now see preparing food for one's family and friends as an expression of care and love, I also realize that for most of my childhood, there was at most only one day a week that one of my parents prepared food for us without a financial transaction taking place.

Auntie was a working class young woman living in a house with two early-middle-age professionals (my parents). A native Tagalog speaker in a country dominated by English and Chinese speakers. A Catholic living among atheists. A single woman with no children, she was suddenly faced with caring for a six and a three year old. I don't know how much she got paid, but I can't imagine she was raking it in, since her salary just came off the top of whatever my parents earned, with the agency that placed her with us taking a cut. It was not a great setup, and she sometimes expressed her anger at her situation by telling me stories of Filipina maids who had gone off the deep end and gone on murder sprees, killing their employers, their employers' children, and even other Filipina maids (this was the kind of story that the Singaporean media loved), the implication being that if we did not behave ourselves, she might snap in a similar way.

To us children, Auntie was a person with no backstory, and little context outside of the work she did. We never met her friends, her family. Unlike everyone else in our lives, she seemed un-tethered, completely outside the network of kinship and acquaintance about which we were often kept updated as a way of signalling social connection (Are you still in touch with so-and-so? Did you hear his wife just got out of hospital? Her sister just moved to Penang, down the street from such-and-such you know. Her nephew is friends with your cousin etc. etc.). Even now, as far as I know, I have no way of finding out what has happened to her. She lived with us for four years, and, once her employment with us was over, she was out of our lives.

I'll probably write more about this and other memories of growing up middle class in Singapore in subsequent posts.

Friday, September 17, 2010

Pomo Kopi



This is a simple nasi lemak, with the nasi (rice), sambal (chili paste), ikan bilis (fried small fish), and a small slice of thin omelette. The otak otak (fish cake) was extra. This particular nasi lemak was served on a banana leaf, and purchased from Kopi O, one of a number of new second (or third) wave Kopitiams.

Kopitiams (literally "coffee shop" in Malaysian/Singaporean Hokkien) are small self-seating eateries that serve a traditionally very limited menu (coffee, tea and Milo with various combinations of condensed milk or sugar, kaya toast, soft boiled eggs, and some cooked food items like nasi lemak).

The first wave of kopitiams were independently owned, non-airconditioned shopfronts that were ubiquitous in the commercial streets of the Singaporean "heartlands" (any place outside the Central Business District or CBD). Generally, the kopitiam was frequented by locals, and developed a reputation based on the quality of its coffee, and its kaya toast (it really takes a tour of kopitiams to realize how many variables must go into making a good version of the "simple" dish of kaya toast, which is basically kaya - a pandan flavored egg curd - with a pat of butter between two slices of toast).

This current wave (more on whether it's third or second wave later) of kopitiams are often set up by owners of particularly successful versions of the original kopitiams, retaining the names, limited menu, and, usually, the kaya recipe and probably coffee roasting technique, of the first instantiation, as well as the generally low prices (around $1 for kopi, and $1.50 for kaya toast) but in chain form. These new kopitiams have appeared in air-conditioned malls all over Singapore, and are fast approaching (and perhaps in Singapore have surpassed) the blanket coverage of foreign coffee chains like Starbucks. In addition to changed locations, generally the furniture is different (wooden or metal chairs instead of plastic) and the menu is printed up on pearlescent paper or a wooden board rather than on A4 laminated paper or a backlit plastic board.

The new wave of kopitiams offer a slice of "heartland" life for nostalgic second- and third- generation Singaporeans and PRs (children who were born well after Singaporean independence), and their indulgent parents, who might well be just as comfortable in the non air-conditioned versions with plastic chairs, but are happy to tag along to the cooler - literally and metaphorically - mall, and have a familiar kopi while their kids ask them questions about what's so special about Malaysian/Singaporean coffee that gives it that unique taste (turns out they roast the beans with sugar and wheat or corn).

As for whether these are second or third wave, it's arguable that the foreign cafes (e.g., Starbucks, Coffee Bean) were a "second wave" of coffee shops, though there is only a vague resemblance to the menu of the traditional kopitiam (espresso instead of coffee, no local hot foods, an abundance of pastries), and the prices would scandalize ($5 for a latte? $3 for a biscotti?!) first generationers.